Democratic Palestine : 1 (ص 9)
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- Democratic Palestine : 1 (ص 9)
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masses. This is the opportunity to raise
the consciousness of our masses
concerning this step. In this way, we can
assess the revolution — the political,
military, financial, and behavioral
mistakes - and build the revolution on a
new, solid basis, better than before. We
in the PFLP believe that this is the time to
radicalize the revolution and _ build
national unity on a new basis, free of all
the mistakes committed in the
Palestinian arena.
In the case that the number of
those in the PLO who oppose
Arafat does not exceed those
supporting him, then he will still
represent legitimacy. What
would be your attitude in this
case?
This is an important issue. Now that
Arafat has taken such a step-not only
dangerous, but also extremely
individualistic, I doubt that the majority
of the Executive Committee will
cooperate will him. But let us suppose we
face this problem; the answer will lie
with our masses...They didn’t revolt for
18 years and make sacrifices in order to
end the revolution on the basis of Camp
David. This means no Palestinian state,
no right of self-determination, no right of
return to the homeland. This is complete
abortion of all the aims of our people
who have been fighting since the
revolution began. In the case that we
face this dilemma, we will go to our
masses and mobilize them to act. I
cannot imagine they will accept the new
Palestinian Sadat. I can only imagine that
our masses will strenuously fight this
pattern of Arafat. You should not be
deceived by the statements of Shawwa
and Freij. We know the stand of our
masses in occupied Palestine. The enemy
has made many efforts to divert their
struggle-for example, the village leagues
created by ‘Israel’. Now the destiny of
Arafat is not better than that of Dudeen,
the head of the village leagues.
Your question gives me the chance to
call on every single Palestinian to stand
up and take a position on this step. Then I
call on every Palestinian organization,
every trade union, mass organization and
nationalist personality. All members of
the PLO Executive Committee, Central
Council and Palestinian National
Council must give an answer. Are they
supporting the Palestinian Sadat, or for
continuing the revolution? The masses
will judge the position of each
organization and PLO body member
according to their stand on this step. This
step is not a matter to be taken lightly.
Weare passing through a stage of “To be
or not to be”. We will make all efforts in
order to be.
What other option did Arafat
have, considering that he was
pushed into the sea?
Arafat had more than one option. To
go to Camp David is not the only option.
He could have gone directly to Tunis and
convened the Executive Committee to
discuss the present situation in line with
continuing the revolution. Then, we
would have gone to the meeting and
done our best to make it successful. We
would support Arafat, not as a person,
but as the Chairman of the Executive
Committee of the PLO. This was the
nationalist option. Arafat chose the other
option.
What is your attitude towards the
fact that Egypt and Jordan seem
to be supporting Arafat, while
Syria opposes him?
Egypt and Jordan are actually
supporting Arafat; it doesn’t just seem so.
Why? The answer lies in the political
line. They want him to support the
Reagan plan. Syria is against this.
In view of the Israeli position, you
might ask if the Reagan plan is
applicable? Why did Reagan think up
this plan? The US wants to prepare the
Arab side - the PLO, Egypt, Jordan. The
Israeli side is not yet prepared. If the
Arab side is ready, the US will await a
change in the Israeli side, whereby the
Labor Party will come to power. If this .
does not happen, the US will say that it
cannot press ‘Israel’ and Arafat will have
lost all...I wonder why Arafat has not
learned from the lessons of the Arab
leaders...
Were you surprised by Arafat’s
visit to Cairo? How are you going
to confront this visit?
Since the revolution left Beirut, we
have had the analysis that the Palestinian
right wing shows clear indications of
taking the US path. Prior to that, it
showed willingness to participate in
settlements through a _ Soviet-US
sponsored international conference. But
after Beirut, it is willing to participate in
the US solutions. In this context, I cannot
say that the PFLP was surprised; we
were able to see the course of the right
wing leading to such a step. If you mean
whether we anticipated this deviation in
December 1983, after the departure of
Arafat’s troops from Tripoli, my answer
is no.
Concerning how we are going to
confront this step: First, there has to be a
clear assessment of what it means...
- Second, there should be an agreement
and mobilization in all the ranks of the
revolution and our masses. In light of
this, what should happen? Arafat should
be impeached as the Chairman of the
PLO, because he does not represent its
nationalist line.
What is to be done? I propose the
following:
1. Delimiting the target of the battle; it
should be against Arafat, who was held
responsible for this visit by Fatah’s
Central Committee, and those who
support him in this step. We are against
enlarging the battle. This tactical line |
should be agreed upon in the Palestinian
arena.
2. Gathering all groups, forces, unions
and personalities opposed to this step. It
is high time that a broad front assume
responsibility for impeaching Arafat and
for knowing how to deal with their
secondary contradictions. Despite any
differences, there is a point of consensus,
i.e., putting a stop to the right wing path.
3. Using legal methods for an extended
period to reach this objective.
4. Mobilizing the masses until Arafat is
ostracized...We should not be tolerant
concerning the national cause. When
deviation takes place, all our energies
should be mobilized, in our writing and
in mass meetings, to call for Arafat's
expulsion, for he has abandonned the
masses national objectives. The
Palestinian people are able to expell
Arafat. An indication of this is that the
Central Committee of Fatah. declared
that it is not responsible for this step.
Do you think that the Palestinians
still have a_ strong military
option?
Yes. Of course, if you mean can we
actually start liberating Palestinian land,
this will be difficult until we have strong
pan-Arab support. But if you mean the
Palestinian fighters, organized in small
groups, striking the Israeli forces in
occupied Lebanon and Palestine, yes.
This is what is happening. Now our
fighters are doing their duty helping the
Lebanese to liberate the South.
Can you tell us about your
meeting with Abdel Halim
Khaddam (Syrian Foreign
Minister)?
We have met to discuss three main
topics. One, imperialism’s aggressive
actions in the Middle East and the
dangers posed to Syria and _ the
Palestinian revolution. Two, because we
believe in Syrian-Palestinian solidarity,
we have discussed current problems.
Three, due to our presence in Syria, there
are always practical issues to be
discussed. - هو جزء من
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