Democratic Palestine : 1 (ص 25)

غرض

عنوان
Democratic Palestine : 1 (ص 25)
المحتوى
‘Israel’ in Crisis
For ‘Israel’, the importance of the strategic alliance
agreement is clear. The Zionist entity has been created,
maintained and expanded by the use of force. Thus it needs a
huge military force with the latest technology, backed up by
a strong economy. ‘Israel’ cannot finance its expansionist
ambitions or act as imperialism’s “big stick’ in the Middle East
without US aid. A large part of the agreement focused on
more such aid.
Today more than ever, ‘Israel’ needs US aid. Since the
invasion of Lebanon, it has been experiencing the worst
economic crisis in its history, affecting all sectors of the
population. The deteriorating economic conditions fuel the
political dissent which emerged sharply with the 1982
invasion. In the past, ‘Israel’ could ignore such dissent
because it was confined to a very small group, but today, it is
spreading to a sizeable minority.
This crisis in turn threatens the demographic situation of
the Zionist state. Because of its nature as a settler state, ‘Israel’
depends on immigration for survival. To fulfill its stated role
as a problem-free homeland for the Jews of the world, it
must appear as an attractive place in which to settle. Today
the situation is not attractive due to the economic crisis,
added to the Israeli military failure and daily losses in
Lebanon. The Zionist state’s reduced ability to attract new
immigrants, coupled with increasing emigration, could, in the
future, cause a shortage of manpower for new military
adventures.
These developments are very alarming not only to the
Zionist leadership, but to the US leaders as well. For ‘Israel’
to act at a moment's notice on behalf of US imperialism, its
internal situation must be stable.
Seen in this perspective, the strategic alliance agreement,
and the extra aid that flowed with it, mark the Reagan
Administration’s tangible re-endorsement of the Likud
government. Legitimate arguments have been advanced that
the US would prefer the return of the Labor Alignment to
power. However, at present, these arguments pale in the light
of the Reagan Administration’s global stress on militarism. At
present, the Reagan Administration is working to more
closely link all foreign aid to US foreign policy objectives.
This means ever increasing emphasis on military aid and
exclusively to states that politically and in practice support
US imperialism’s global counterrevolutionary crusade.
Increased aid to ‘Israel’, to alleviate the Likud’s problems,
falls in line with this.
Rewards for ‘Israel’
As part of the strategic alliance agreement, the US
agreed to give artificial respiration to the Israeli economy
through an even broader range of economic and military aid.
For one, the US agreed to negotiate a free-trade pact that
would eliminate the 10-15% tax now imposed on imported
Israeli textiles and wood products. US trade representative
spokesman William Brock pointed out, “The US has no such
arrangements with any other country’. This will contribute to
reducing the Israeli balance of trade deficit, which reached
$2.94 billion in 1982, and is projected at $3.6-4 billion for
1983. However, the consequences of cheaper Israeli products
competing with US products, in already recession-troubled
US economy, can endanger more US workers jobs.
The Reagan Administration also agreed to give ‘Israel’
$1.7 billion in military aid for the 1984 fiscal year that began
on Oct. Ist. Half of this is to be repaid with interest, but the
other $850 million will be given as arms grants. ‘Israel’ is also
to receive $910 million in economic grants, which will be
used to offset the repayment of previous arms loans. In 1985,
‘Israel’ is scheduled to receive $1.4 billion in military aid, all
as a grant.
Israeli capacity to produce its own weaponry was also
boosted with $550 million in US military credits to fund the
development of the Lavie aircraft. Moreover, the Israeli arms
industry will be allowed to share in the production of US
weaponry, financed with US aid. The US also agreed to buy
$200 million worth of Israeli military equipment, as well as
products and raw materials worth 15% of the military aid to
‘Israel’ - amounting to $250 million.
Washington also lifted the suspension of cluster bombs
to ‘Israel’, though Shamir did not pledge to sign an agreement
to use them for defensive purposes only. Clearly, the US
umbilical cord to the Zionist state allows it to continue its
genocidal war against the Palestinian people and fulfill its
hunger for Arab lands.
Arab reaction’s dilemma
The US-Israeli agreement, as the overt formalization of
the organic and privileged relationship which ‘Israel’ has with
the US, places Arab reaction in a difficult position. In line
with their class nature and ties with imperialism, the US
clients can only acquiesce to this agreement, even though it
complicates efforts to justify their policies in the eyes of the
Arab masses. This dilemma led these regimes to be unclear in
their position on the agreement. Even on the verbal level,
their reaction was mild.
The reactionaries’ dilemma poses problems to the US as
well. Although the alliance with ‘Israel’ is the cornerstone of
‘US Middle East strategy, this strategy cannot be fulfilled
without the total participation of Arab reaction. At present
US imperialism needs Arab reaction’s help to revive the
Reagan plan and apply Camp David throughout the area.
The Israeli refusal to accept the US’s providing advanced
weaponry to Arab regimes and setting up a Jordanian strike
force, were discussed at the Reagan-Shamir meetings without
eliciting any change in the Israeli position. Instead, the
strategic alliance agreement deals with this issue by raising
' the possibility of joint US-Israeli efforts to “protect” the Gulf
oil fields. In this, ‘Israel’ has overlapping interests with US
imperialism in ensuring the flow of oil to the capitalist world.
Countering Zionist-imperialist military cooperation
The PFLP has always contended that the number one
enemy of the Palestinian and Arab people is world
imperialism, led by the US, and that ‘Israel’ is its forward
base in our area. The strategic alliance agreement makes this
relationship official. To those who have defined the enemy
primarily as ‘Israel’ the agreement serves notice that the US is
an active party to the conflict in our area, and that Zionism
can only be combated in the context of anti-imperialist
struggle. The counter-force to escalated Zionist-imperialist
cooperation is based on strengthening the alliance between
the popular revolutionary forces and the nationalist regimes
in the area. It must draw strategic strength from alliance with
the socialist community, headed by the Soviet Union, as well
as with liberation movements and progressive forces
globally.
Zionist-imperialist strategic collaboration has
international as well as regional aims. It is part of the US’s
global strategy, the same that installs new nuclear missiles in
Europe and invades Grenada. Specifically, the agreement
provides for ‘Israel’ increasing its role as imperialism’s
surrogate arms merchant by giving permission for it to sell
weapons produced with US technology to third countries. It
is natural and necessary that this be confronted by increased
international solidarity in the anti-imperialist camp, as the
only way to redress the balance of forces in favor of the
people’s victory over imperialism, Zionism and reaction.
20
هو جزء من
Democratic Palestine : 1
تاريخ
يناير ١٩٨٤
المنشئ
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين

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