Democratic Palestine : 1 (ص 27)
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- Democratic Palestine : 1 (ص 27)
- المحتوى
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products constituted 50% df total world
industrial production; in 1950, 40%; in
1960, 30%; by 1980, 25%. Note how the
curve is declining. It is well known that
the economic standard determines the
political power of every country. In the
beginning of the 1990's, the US gross
product is expected to decline to 20%.
We should view history with this
outlook and determine our policies
accordingly. It is shameful that the US,
the engineer of Camp David, has an
increasing share of its exports to the
Arab countries. The _ oil-producing
countries import 10% of the US’s total
exports; half of this is to Saudi Arabia
alone. Some might say that these are
only numbers and not big, but I hope
that you study them more deeply...
After determining the political
position against US imperialism, it is
imperative to practice this decision
politically, militarily and economically.
Here, permit me to salute the heroic
action of the Syrian soldiers who shot
down the US planes and thus enhanced
the position of the Arab nation. Allow
me also to salute the political leadership
that gave orders to shoot down those
planes, in spite of all Arab reaction’s talk
about US invincibility. With every US
or Israeli plane shot down by Syria,
more support will be gained, because
our masses spontaneously understand
where the main contradiction lies. They
support the force which embodies their
will.
We well understand the deceptive
attempts of Arab reaction to dilute the
Syrian position. Nevertheless, our great
hope is that Syria will continue to
defend the national cause — to shoot at
the US planes and the aggressive Marine
forces in Beirut. |
We can confront the US forces. Why
don’t we do so, like the heroic people of
Vietnam, Cuba and others did? In
reality, our human, economic and
military capacity enables us to confront
them and finally win. Especially, we
must remember that the alternative to
confrontation is total subjugation. The
Reagan Adnmninistration’s politics are
clear. Syria, the Lebanese national
movement, the Palestinian revolution
and all progressive and nationalist Arab
forces have no choice but to be ready
for a serious confrontation to bury this
aggressive policy.
People’s war
Having defined our position on
imperialism and practicing this policy,
our third weapon is blending people's
war with the steadfastness of Syria and
other nationalist regimes. There are two
examples that clearly show the
significance of this. The first is the
steadfastness of Beirut, a_ historical
experience from which the Arab nation |
can benefit in fighting imperialism and
Zionism. The prolonged period of the
siege provided an example of the
importance of blending conventional
warfare with people's war.
The second example is what is
happening today in Lebanon...After the .
Palestinian resistance evacuated Beirut,
a semi-collapse prevailed; there was a
big shift in the balance of forces to the
enemy’s favor, added to the prevailing
Arab situation. Yet in spite of all the
difficulties and the depressing
atmosphere, there were still vanguards
saying: We will resist. Therefore, the
Lebanese National Resistance Front was
created, and ‘Israel’ began receiving the
corpses of its soldiers. ‘Israel’, which had
thought it emerged victorious from the
war as a result of the PLO’s evacuation,
began to sense a new reality due to the
heroic resistance. We should not only
view the power of imperialism, its plans
and successes. We should also clearly
see our successes in steadfastness and in
creating obstacles to imperialism’s
plans.
The examples of Beirut, the Lebanese
National Resistance Front and_ the
Lebanese national mass and _ political
resistance exemplify the strength of this
weapon. Our nation is not weak. On the
contrary, it is strong if there is proper
leadership making scientific political
decisions and rallying the potentials of
the masses according to these decisions.
Strengthening the triangle of
steadfastness
In the process of confrontation, there
is another weapon: Strengthening the
national Syrian-Lebanese-Palestinian
alliance, resolving all its problems
through dialogue, and concentrating on .
the main contradiction. Part of the
enemies’ bet is exploiting problems
within this alliance. We must rise to the
historic responsibility that faces us in
this difficult period, in order to build a
national Syrian-Lebanese-Palestinian
alliance that stands as a bulwark in the
face of all plans woven by imperialism
on the northern front, to confront US
insistence on striking Syria.
The US media is full of the military
options thought of in the White House
and Pentagon; some think of occupying
the southern outskirts of Beirut; others
think the next step will be in the
mountains; others advocate intensifying
the air raids; still others are betting on
the internal differences causing defi-
ciencies... We have to abort this plan by |
strengthening the Syrian-Palestinian-
Lebanese alliance. History shows no
mercy. In ten years, it will record
whether this Syrian-Lebanese-Pal-
estinian confrontation was victorious or
the opposite.
One of the factors determining this is
the subjective factor: How do we think?
How do we determine our policies?
How do we mobilize? How can we
overcome the differences and problems
inhibiting such a confrontation?
In the process of confrontation, we
ought not to limit our thoughts to the
Syrian-Lebanese-Palestinian alliance. Sy-
ria, the Lebanese national movement
and the Palestinian revolution must
specifically plan to build a broad Arab
national front that supports them in this
confrontation. Democratic Yemen,
Algeria, Libya, the national movements
in Egypt, Sudan, Morocco and the
Arabian Peninsula must have a role in.
facing the challenge of imperialism.
Finally, to face the US-Israeli alliance,
there must be a principled, strategic
alliance with the Soviet Union and the
socialist countries...I do not emphasize
this point as a result of underestimating
the importance of the subjective factor,
but based on a view of imperialism’s
global policy in this period. In order to
be victorious, our alliance with the
Soviet Union should develop to the
extent that enables the forces of peace,
liberation and socialism to achieve
victory...
The next major section of Comrade
Habash’s speech dealt with
strengthening the Palestinian
revolution’s role in the confrontation,
through a correct resolution of the
internal crisis in the PLO. We refer
readers to the editorial and interview
with Comrade Habash in this issue
concerning the subject. Comrade
Habash concluded by saluting the
struggle of our people under
occupation, the martyrs and prisoners
and their families, and all _ those
struggling everywhere...
We are extremely pleased to see our
people in occupied Palestine
determined to confront the occupation
with all means-political, economic and
military, despite being ruthlessly
attacked and besieged by the Zionist
enemy. Our masses in the occupied
territories are facing not only the plots
of the Zionist occupiers and their overt
agents, but also those of the Jordanian
regime and its clients, who are trying to
exploit the difficult situation in the PLO
for the purpose of imposing
annexationist plans on our people.
Moreover, the Jordanian regime is
attempting to become the spokesman of
the Palestinian people, bypassing the
PLO, their sole, legitimate
representative. In order to achieve this,
all methods are used: the stick and the |
carrot, psychological warfare against
our people in Jordan and the occupied
homeland. Yet the will of our people is
stronger than all these plots. They foiled
them in the past and will also do so in
the present and in the future, until
achieving victory...
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