Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 13)
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- Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 13)
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regime’s real intention, whichis to return
the West Bank to Hashemite dominance.
It is Amman’s belief that a suitable
atmosphere can be maintained with
application of the stick and carrot policy,
and that a campaign of misinformation
can gloss over the reason for forming a
government headed by a previous chief
of the intelligence.
In this light, even Laila Sharaf, the new
Minister of Information, claiming to be
liberal, appears more repellent than the
Prime Minister himself, who has not
appeared much until now. Sharaf has
made many _ statements claiming
Jordan’s full responsibility for the West
Bank, and also about Jordanian-
Palestinian unity, based on the Ariha
(Jericho) Conference in 1948, when it
was decided to link the remaining parts
of Palestine to the Hashemite Kingdom.
Lastly, and most significantly, Sharaf has
claimed that a minimum of attention
should be accorded the 1974 Rabat
Summit’s decisions, which recognized
the PLO as the sole representative of the
Palestinian people. Needless to say, King
Hussein’s confirmation of the Rabat
decisions was only a formality - a
maneuver adopted while awaiting
circumstances in the Arab and
Palestinian arenas that would allow for
reneging on the recognition of the PLO’s
representation and allowing for
reusurpation of Palestinian national
rights.
The freezing of parliamentary life in
Jordan and the formation of a temporary
council, the National Consultative
Council, were in themselves a proof of
the regime’s real intentions vis-a-vis the
West Bank, which became apparent with
-the recent steps taken by Amman,
whereby the parliament was revived as a
legislature for both banks. Calling the
parliament and ammending article 73 of
the constitution, to enable elections in
Jordan and for West Bank deputies to be
appointed by Jordanian MPs, exposed
the regime’s claim to responsibility for
the West Bank, and its aim to have this
responsibility recognized in Arab and
international circles.
King Hussein affirmed Jordanian
responsibility for the West Bank in his
“Throne Speech” (the government
declaration delivered to the National
Assembly’s regular sessions). The same
message was repeated in the response to
the “Throne Speech’, the later
government declaration, and Crown
Prince Hassan (the King’s delegate) in his
speech to the 4th Islamic Conference
held in Casablanca, Morocco, on
January 16th.
To the same purpose, Jordan received
the Egyptian Minister of the Economy,
Mustafa Said, and dispatched Abu
Oudeh, the Minister of the Royal Court,
to Cairo to meet Husni Mubarak and |
discuss the ways deemed best by the
King to resolve the Middle East conflict..
Careful scrutiny of the recent official
Jordanian declarations reveals two
points: first, reviving the Jordanian
option on everything relating to the
Palestinian question; and_ second,
returning Egypt to Arab officialdom. In
the present situation, Hussein deemed
that pushing the Jordanian option,
presented as the only possible solution
for the Palestinian question, would not
antagonize anyone in official Arab
politics. To Amman, the inalienable
rights of the Palestinian people are minor
matters which should not now be
pressed, for all priority should be given
to saving “the family and the land” (the
favorite expression of official Jordanian
information).
The mechanism needed to implement
the Jordanian option has been clearly
spelled out in two press conferences held
by King Hussein and in Hassan’s speech
at the Islamic Summit. This depends on
the US’s calculations and ability to make
good its promises concerning two
matters: (1) Solving the Lebanese crisis
by the withdrawal of the Israeli forces, as
this, according to Amman, would leave
no excuses for others not to withdraw;
also, this would boost the capacity of the
Lebanese authorities. (2) Stopping
Zionist settlement-building on the West
Bank; however, Amman has only
demanded a stoppage, not asked for the
abolition of the settlements built since
1967.
As is well-known, the Jordanian
regime attributes the failure of the
“peaceful” settlement to US hesitation
and Israeli stubborness. According to
King Hussein, if the Israeli Labor Party
assumes power, this would overcome
some obstacles, pushing the “peace”
process ahead. Then the US would be
given the chance to make good its
promises, since Peres, Labor Party
leader, presents himself as responsive to
the prospects of a peaceful settlement
regarding the West Bank, claiming
readiness to stop new settlement -
building near Arab population centers
(though, of course, not to remove the
old). The Jordanian regime hopes to
inject its own role to resolve the
remaining obstacle with the Labor Party,
i.e., the fact that it is willing to negotiate
13 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 2
- تاريخ
- مارس ١٩٨٤
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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