Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 18)
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- Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 18)
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Permanent revolt
In their frenzied efforts to abolish
resistance, the Zionists have enacted “se-
curity” measures to the point of counter-
productivity. The IDF ushered in the
new year with 50 new “security” regula-
tions, new arrest campaigns (adding to
the 800 southerners estimated already
detained), and widespread uprooting of
orchards. In turn, the masses made revolt
the permanent feature of life in the
South, with strikes, demonstrations, sit-
ins and clashes with the enemy forces.
In their fear, Israeli soldiers have re-
peatedly acted in a manner seemingly
designed to provoke even the most com-
placent - raiding a Saida mosque with
search dogs, singling out respected reli-
gious leaders, and on several occasions,
firing into crowded Saida streets at mid-
day, injuring civilians, because of a sus-
pected car bomb. The Zionists have al-
ways prided themselves on their “Ara-
bists”, claiming ability to subdue the oc-
cupied population with subtle means.
But like in occupied Palestine, the facts in
South Lebanon show that the contradic-
tion between the oppressed and the op-
pressors cannot be solved by psycholog-
ical means or petty inducements. The
logic of occupation is brute force - and
the popular response is resistance. Now
that the front of Lebanese nationalist
resistance has spread from the South to.
Beirut, the Likud government is doubly
caught in the trap of its own making. It is
more than ever clear that the goals of the
1982 invasion will not be fulfilled, no
matter how long the IDF remains; con-
tinuing casualties bring this home to the
Israeli public daily, feeding the internal
crisis in the Zionist entity: Yet- further
withdrawal, to save lives and soften the
criticism, will increase the territory: of’
‘liberated Lebanon. This would provide
the example which the Zionists, like im- |
perialism and Arab reaction, most fear,
that armed popular resistance is the only
way to recover occupied Arab land.
@
Interview with Comrade Hawi
a
On February 6th, the Lebanese Army lost control of West Beirut, and was threatened by
widespread desertion from its ranks. The previous day, Prime Minister Wazzan’s government had
resigned. Yet US envoy Rumsfield had the audacity to declare, “We don’t believe the Lebanese
government has collapsed.”
On this real turning point of a day, the PFLP’s weekly, “Al Hadaf”, had the opportunity to
interview Comrade George Hawi, General Secretary of the Lebanese Communist Party, on the latest
developments and the perspectives of the nationalist victory in Beirut. Of particular interest are
Comrade Hawi’s evaluations of the linkage between the armed struggle in South Lebanon and in
Beirut, and of the possibility for the Palestinian revolution to benefit from the recent Lebanese
experience in order to reestablish its struggle in Lebanon on a more fruitful basis than before.
On the Wazzan government's resignation...
Wazzan’s resignation is the beginning of the collapse of
the rule of the Phalangists and the Gemayel family. From one
angle, it isno doubt a political maneuver aiming to dilute the
total, united political opposition that emerged in confronting
the Gemayel authority. It also aims to absorb the popular
disenchantment with the authority on both domestic and for-
eign policy issues. However, this maneuver came too late and
did not take into account the most recent developments. The
popular movement and the position of the progressive forces,
mainly the National Salvation Front and the Amal move-
ment, has closed the door on all maneuvers.
The question is no longer one of a government, whether
like the previous one or a national unity government, if it
works with this group (the Phalangists) who are responsible
for destroying all Lebanon, including Ashrafiyeh, the Metn,
Kaserwan, Bint Jbail and Batroun (areas with large Christian
populations which the Phalangists claim to represent). More-
‘over, it is no longer possible to have a dialogue with the
Phalangist Party or its representatives in power. Walid Jumb-
latt, in our name, rejected entering into any parliamentary,
political maneuvers or consultations. Also, Nabih Berri, in our
name, rejected this game. Both emphasized a major demand:
the downfall of Amin Gemayel.
The other tasks will come as a result of this major task,
cancelling the May 17th agreement, departure of the invad-
ing US troops and the rest of the MNF, removing al] forms of
the Phalangist Party’s authority in the state and from all af-
fairs related to the political, economic and social future of
Lebanon. Other issues related to the authority will be under
discussion with the new president of the republic, not with
the present one.
18
Developments have gone way beyond halfway or partial
solutions. The policy of the Phalangists and the President
closed the door on halfway solutions or reconciliation. Our
call for reconciliation was never a call for reconciliation with - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 2
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- مارس ١٩٨٤
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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