Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 19)
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- Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 19)
- المحتوى
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the Phalangist Party. On the contrary, it was a method to
expose the policy and behaviour of the Phalangists. We insist
on a common life in a democratic Lebanon in which all citi-
zens live with equal rights and duties, and are free to choose
their political system, their-representative.and judicial institu-
tions, and the power apparatus that serves this choice. We
| always emphasized that what has-prevented this.choice is the
project of discriminatory, sectarian, one-group hegemony.
In order for the Lebanese people to live. on the basis of
national reconciliation, the first requirement.is total defeat of
- the project of .Phalangist hegemony, which we rightfully des- -
| cribed as the project for the Zionization of Lébanon. The
latest events have placed the.country on. the threshold of.a
- solution. which. would enable our people to-regain complete: |
-indeperidénce, confirm their Arab identity, guarantee.demo-
; cratic development and mobilize their. potentials for the bat-
tle. of liberating the territory occupied by the Israeli enemy.
This means supporting the Lebanese National Resistance ©
Front against the occupation, supporting the popular move-
ment that has transformed the South into a permanent upris- ,
ing against the occupation, with the participation of all social,
political, nationalist and religious circles.
On the western media’s reports about reservations
of some parties in the National Salvation Front
concerning Jumblatt’s call for Amin Gemayel’s re-
signation...
There is a desire on the part of the western and reaction- .
ary media that there be such a difference. Certainly, the dis-
parity, which may exist about the method of getting rid of the
Phalarigist authority, is exaggerated. There is no difference
on the principle of getting rid of it. This disparity stems from
differing positions on how to combat the Phalangist hegem-
ony. We see this disparity as tactical differences as to the
method for salvation. We leave it up to experience on the one
hand, and the balance of forces on the other, to determine the
best approach for implementing the tasks agreed upon. Our
conviction is that the development taking place in the field is
the determining factor in resolving this question. Therefore,
we should not be impressed by this media exaggeration
which expresses the desires of its owners, more than express-
ing the facts.
On the current situation and its perspectives...
First, allow me to address what I consider to be the
resurgence (of the national movement) in the present circum-
stances. The basic thing here is what is taking place in South
Lebanon: the armed struggle against the occupation. The role
of this struggle is determining the overall revolutionary pro-
cess in Lebanon. Israel is the central, basic link in the chain of
the enemy plan. Therefore, weakening this link will weaken
the other links. The historic decision to resist the Israeli occu-
pation by force of arms, and the historic initiative taken by
our party in this respect, provided the major prelude to the
process of resurgence taking place today in Beirut.
This is the main lever in the process of nationalist revival.
It is also the real lever for a revolutionary Arab nationalist
resurgence. We provide the start of anew phenomenon ini the
Arab national liberation movement and a heritage for all re-
volutionary traditions in the Palestinian revolution — (how
to) develop it and avoid falling into the great error previously
committed. I will not here characterize the role of all the
nationalist forces participating in the heroic struggle of our
people. However, I would like to emphasize the special role
played by the PFLP in this context, by cooperating totally
with us. This provides a distinguished example as to how
relations between the Lebanese progressive and. nationalist
forces and the Palestinian revolution should be.
The uprising in Beirut achieved the first part of its tasks
by liberating West Beirut from the army of the one-group
authority and the control of the Phalangist Party. I want to
note the important role of the patriotic soldiers and officers
who refused to: continue being used as a repressive tool
against their own people, their:relatives and the working
masses. in the southern suburbs:and Beirut.
Concerning the Israeli occupation, withdrawal will inev-
itably.be imposed, and the attempt to-create a puppet mini-
‘state for Israel in the South will fail, as the masses’ avalanche .
Continiués, ‘to. liberate their land -fromi the Israeli:-occupation
and its lackeys, and consolidate nationalist control in the ~
| South. We. are-not ‘for the army of the one-group authority
-returning. to the South. ‘We. struggle ‘under the slogan: The
Land: to Whoever Liberates It! The South is for the workers,
peasants, revolutionary intellectuals, students, women and
_men of the South. The South is for the honorable militants of
the Amal movement and our party, and all progressive and
nationalist forces of the South.
In light of the tasks mentioned previously, two duties lie
ahead of us: first, to abolish Phalangist control in the state;
accordingly, we will work on the second: assembling the
broadest forces from all political, religious and social trends
in the broadest front (which already exists), irregardless of
the organizational framework. We will work to recruit the -
broadest popular movement. possible to wage all forms of
struggle, without exception, in order to achieve this task, for
in the final analysis, this is what is required to liberate Leban-
on, unite it and guarantee its Arab identity. These tasks are
connected and cannot be separated from each other.
On whether the regime and Phalangist Party will
try to trap the opposition in a compromise...
We have to differentiate between compromises and
compromises. The conflict and any dialogue revolve on ma-
jor issues: first the political position towards the May 17th
agreement and the Israeli occupation, its conditions and re-
sults. For our part, we will not make any compromises in this
area. We stand for the absolute cancellation of this agree-
ment, waging the battle for liberating the country uncondi-
tionally, implementing Security Council resolutions 508 and
509, and sufficing with the 1947 armistice agreement. Any
compromises made by the authority below this line cannot
deceive the active, influential nationalist forces. The struggle.
against the May 17th agreement is a struggle against all the
political results of the Israeli occupation, a major one of these
being the Phalangist authority. We will struggle to bring
down the Phalangist project for hegemony.
Concerning compromises on other issues, we will not
accept anything which allows for the continued presence of
the US forces or the MNF in Lebanon. Any flexibility in
tactics will not be at the expense of the principle decisions.
We insist on the cancellation of political confessionalism and
drawing up a schedule whereby the process of cancelling this
will take place gradually. Our insistence on principles will be
total, but there may be flexibility concerning the form of
application.
The second issue, which does not tolerate partial conces-
sions, is the enactment of a serious, democratic change in the
] popular representation in Lebanon, the parliament and the
election law. We shall insist on the principle of change. As a
working class party, we believe that there is no room for real
democracy unless the power of the bourgeoisie is brought
down. Yet we struggle for the highest degree of democracy
possible in the framework of the bourgeois state. This will
create an atmosphere conducive to developing our struggle
for bringing down the bourgeoisie’s control of the power.
The third major issue is the army. There is a decisive,
united, nationalist position: Either a-nationalist army. to de-
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