Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 32)
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- Democratic Palestine : 2 (ص 32)
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L McDonnell Douglas F-18 Hornet has an
F-404 engine produced by GE. These
F-18s are supplied to the US Navy and
Marine Corps, as well as to the armed
forces of Canada, Australia and Spain.
GE also manufactures engines for Nor-
throp’s F-56 Tigershark, which is mainly
produced for export. The company
further provides the highly sophisticat-
ed radar and “mission display” for this
aircraft. “Over-the-horizon radars” are
manufactured for the US Air Force.
On top of this, the company provides
the engines for the following military
aircraft: the Grumman F-14 and General
Dynamics F-16 combat aircraft, and the
Boeing flight refuelling tanker KC-135,
the McDonnell Douglas extended cargo
aircraft KC-10, serving the Rapid De-
ployment Force which is charged with
protecting “vital US interests” anywhere
in the world.
Rockwell International’s B-1 strategic
bomber and the new version of the
Lockheed large capacity transport air-
craft C-5B Galaxy will be equipped
with GE engines too. GE was one of the
companies decisively involved in the
Vietnam war by producing installations
for strategic bombers. Furthermore, the
company supplies engines for the US
Army Black Hawk combat helicopters
and for Spruance and Aegis class battle-
ships of the US Navy. The company
was or is involved in the development
and production of strategic nuclear mis-
sile systems such as Polaris, Poseidon,
Minuteman, Trident and MX. In this
context, GE mainly develops and pro-
duces the guidance systems.
In 1980, the company installed its first
three-dimensional radar system in Bel-
gium as part of NATO’s spying system.
In the field of space technology, the
company became the main contractor
for the development of the Landsat 4
satellite for NASA and DSCS III spy sa-
tellite. Small wonder that it is highly in-
terested in Reagan’s plans to militarize
outer space.
Armaments yield high profits for
GE
Arms deals are highly profitable for
the company. As a direct consequence
of the US government’s lunatic pursuit
of confrontation and arms build-up,
both the share of armaments in the
overall turnover and the profits have
grown unabatedly. Declared profits
have risen from $338.9 million in 1966,
to $1,817 million in 1982. Overall turn-
over increased 3.7 fold during the same
period while the official gains, which by
no means represent total company prof-
its, rose 5.4 fold.
Even in the 1981 company report, the
military activities of the company were
emphasized as the principal source of
increased profits. This development
continued in 1982: Even though the
overall turnover dropped by 7 per cent,
profits went up by 10 per cent, the prof-
it per share from $7.26 to $8.00; the di-
vidend rose by 6 per cent up to $3.35,
and the price of the company shares
from $55 to $100.
According to the West German em-
ployers’ paper Capital (January 1981),
the price of GE shares has woken up
from a “deep sleep” since Ronald Rea-
gan was elected President.
General Electric has produced arms
since 1896, when it supplied the first
guns for the US Navy, and it has always
been big business for the company.
That is why, in 1944, the then GE presi-
dent, Charles E. Wilson, was gravely
concerned about the end of World War
II. “What about war production in the
USA when the war is over?” (World of a
Giant Corporation, New York, 1975) he
asked and demanded that the military
“gets things going for a permanent war
production” (Army Ordnance Maga-
zine, March/April 1944).
As we see, the military and the politi-
cians, the ideologists and company re-
presentatives of the military-industrial
complex in the United States saw to it
that Wilson’s demand came true.
Close ties between state, military
and GE
The company, which belongs to the
Morgan group, is a typical example of
the close ties existing between the arms
industry, the military top brass and the
governmental machine. Between 1954
and 1962, President Reagan was also on
the company’s payroll. His Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development, Sa-
muel Pierce, was GE’s Managing Direc-
tor until 1979. On top of this, the com-
pany employs dozens of former officers
who make profitable use of their con-
nections and knowledge in the field of
armament.
Three Secretaries of Defence who
made sure GE got billion dollar orders
were former members of the company’s
board of directors: Neil McElroy, Secre-
tary of Defence between 1957 and 1959,
Thomas Gate between 1959 and 1960,
and Clark Clifford from 1968 till 1969.
When, in the 1960s, the US allegedly had
to fill an “existing missile gap as com-
pared with the Soviet Union’, GE, with
Polaris and Minuteman missiles, was
consequently amongst the main bene-
factors of the campaign to launch a new
round of the arms race.
There is also a steady movement back
and forth between top GE positions and
the Pentagon. Thus Lewis T. Preston,
for example, GE’s Managing Director, is
member of the Council on Foreign Re-
lations, which is composed of leading
figures from the economy and govern-
ment and is “probably the private inter-
est group exercising the strongest influ-
ence on American foreign policy”
(World of a Giant Corporation, New
York, 1975). Edward E. Hood, GE Vice
Director, represents the company in the
Aerospace Industries Association, and
Jack Parker, also Vice Director, looks
after GE’s interests in the National Se-
curity Industrial Association, compris-
ing 300 arms manufacturers.
Hence General Electric is tied up in
various ways with the state and political
centres of power, giant banks and the
military. You can hardly find any better
example of the anatomical! structure of
the military-industrial complex in the.
United States. - هو جزء من
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