Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 21)
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- Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 21)
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major question: Does Arafat, after this dangerous deviation,
remain to be the common denominator for bringing the Palesti-
nian arena together?
After this dangerous deviation, is it possible for Arafat to
establish the necessary relations with the progressive and
nationalist regimes? Here in particular, ! mean Syria, which is
confronting the imperialist plans, the Reagan and Camp David
formulas. How can we unite the Palestinian arena, and estab-
lish national and progressive alliances on the Arab and interna-
tional levels, with Arafat remaining as the head of the PLO?
The more | think about this subject, | find that correcting the
existing situation in the PLO, uniting it and enabling it to estab-
lish national and progressive alliances, has become condi-
tional on Arafat's stepping down. | can no longer see how it is
possible to cement internal Palestinian relations, Syrian-
Palestinian relations, or Palestinian-Lebanese nationalist rela-
tions without his stepping down.
The question here is not Arafat personally, but rather the
trend that he represents. | hope that this subject can be fully
understood. During the battle of Beirut and in the PNC’s 16th
session, when Arafat was moving in the framework of the
national platform, we accorded him his due respect as the sym-
bol of the Palestinian revolution. Yet, after the Cairo visit and its
aftermath, can Arafat remain as the common denominator for
uniting the Palestinian arena? It is impossible for him to unite
the Palestinian national forces and masses with the course he
has taken. Our Palestinian masses will never accept Arafat's
alliance with the Camp David regime or with the reactionary
Jordanian regime, or that he wages a battle against Syria while
Syria is confronting the imperialist-Zionist plans.
There is no indication that Arafat is willing to reverse this
trend. On the contrary, all signs point to his deep involvement
in this deviationist trend. Thus, the paper of Fatah’s Central
Committee is very strange and surprising. Moreover, Arafat's
visit provided the door whereby the Camp David regime
returned to the Islamic Summit. For the paper not to refer to this
is like demanding our consent to this result, as well as to the
joint communique issued by Arafat and the Jordanian regime.
If we examine this joint communique carefully, we find that
every statement is for a solution to the Palestinian question via
alliance with the reactionary Arab regimes. Also, on organiza-
tional questions, the working paper of Fatah’s Central Commit-
tee contained things that were very strange and surprising to
us. Yet realizing the importance of Fatah’s Central Committee
and of dealing with it on a clear nationalist basis, the particip-
ants in the Aden meeting agreed on proposing a political and
organizational platform whereby future relations can be estab-
lished with Fatah’s Central Committee.
We think that this is the only basis for guaranteeing the
unity of the Palestinian arena, if we all want to deal with the
internal problems in a serious way that can guarantee the
PLO’s unity. The specific political and organizational points
agreed on in Aden leave no room for equivocation... For exam-
ple, on the political level, we want a clear, public condemnation
of Arafat’s visit to Cairo. The Fatah Central Committee's state-
ment after the visit considered it a personal initiative without
dealing with its political repercussions, which became the door
for Egypt's reentry to the Islamic Summit. Arafat and some of
his Central Committee members considered the reconvening
of the Jordanian parliament and the appointment of deputies
for the West Bank, to be an internal Jordanian affair, etc.
We want a clear nationalist position to be defined regard-
ing the reactivation of the Jordanian parliament and the Arafat-
Jordanian declaration, as well as regarding the return of the
Egyptian regime and relations with it, ina way that ends all con-
nections, on all levels, with this regime. This means the appli-
cation of the resolutions of the PNC’s 16th session.
On the organizational level, we want Arafat brought to
account for his visit to Cairo, and what followed of organiza-
tional violations which ignored the legitimate bedies of the PLO
and the PNC resolutions. Organizationally speaking, these
and similar things prevent Arafat from being the common
denominator for uniting the Palestinian revolution. The points
which we put forth to Fatah’s Central Committee stress the
importance of agreement, prior to the next PNC, between the
Palestinian organizations and other components of the PLO,
on the formation of leadership bodies that guarantees the par-
ticipation of all nationalist organizations. Moreover, we stres-
sed that a comprehensive national consensus is required prior
to convening the PNC.
We want a clear answer to the following question: Will
Fatah’s Central Committee accept Arafat’s chosen course of
counting on the Arab regimes that are allied with the US and its
plans? We will not accept a vague answer. Does Fatah’s Cent-
ral Committee condemn or accept Arafat’s trend?
We are fed up with words and elastic expressions... Arafat
was entrusted with the PNC’s resolutions and he betrayed
them. What is the position of on him? We will not accept a
vague answer. We and the DFLP have agreed on a clear pos-
ition: that he is no longer the common denominator for uniting
the Palestinians. We will not compromise on this subject. This
is the position of the Joint Leadership, the democratic alliance
(the four), and all nationalist forces in the Palestinian arena
with the exception of Arafat and those who stand with him.
If this is the case, why didn’t the Aden declaration
mention the resignation of Arafat?
The declaration is a general one, stressing the basic polit-
ical issues. It can be considered a summary of the discussion.
The declaration affirmed the unity of the PLO on a progressive
and nationalist basis. The second point stressed the specific
position against the deviation. Another point emphasized the
necessity of uniting the revolution against the deviationist
trend. It also emphasized the joint Soviet-Syrian declaration as
a sound basis for building alliances on the Arab and national
level. The political declaration refers to the general matters that
determine our joint tactics and positions.
21 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 3
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- مايو ١٩٨٤
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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