Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 32)
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- Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 32)
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ition forces who participated in, or supported the dramatic visit.
The covergence ofthe two approaches and lines (those of
the Palestinian right and Arab reaction) is not something new.
It appeared tragically in the last PNC session where the con-
ciliatory trend prevailed concerning several problems and
proposed (imperialist) projects. This meant the policy of LAA’M
(yes and no at the same time) and feeble slogans and for-
mulas, such as the one that resulted as a compromise: «Close-
ness to the Egyptian regime a much as it distances itself from
Camp David». This formula left the way open for contradictory
intdrpretations and assessments, because in the final analysis
it bows to the (leading) class structure and ideological basis,
which allows for steering events according to desires. The
danger of these fluctuations mounts in times of crisis and set-
backs for the revolution, when polarization and social move-
ment are active in the terrain of an atmosphere of defeatism.
This was the bolster relied on by the supporters of the meeting
with the Egyptian regime, considering this to be «implementing
the resolutions of the PNC».
International media almost unanimously agreed that the
primary beneficiary of the visit was the Egyptian regime. Here
we have the right to ask: Did this spectacular occasion on the
part of Fatah’s leadership lead to pulling the Egyptian regime
away from Israel? In reality, what happened was just the oppo-
site: Egyptian-lsraeli contacts and coordination were
advanced to a higher level; the second part of Camp David and
the Reagan plan were revived; channels were opened for
broader and firmer cooperation under the pretext of the neces-
sity of regaining the rights of the Palestinian people.
From the illusion of «closeness» to the art of
national commitment
We reiterate that the issue is not merely one of «a meeting
of a national movement leader with the president of a subordi-
nate regime». It is much greater than that. It consists of a com-
plete approach that requires taking practical steps towards a
clearly defined path. Therefore, it cannot be covered by the
curtain of «forgiving and forgetting». Nor can it be erased from
the memory by the mere repetition of some statements
emphasizing the «firmness» of positions against Camp David
and the Reagan plan. Rather, a frank, critical assessment is
required, one that is not confined to formalities, but deals with
the substance of the matter.
We criticized the formula of «closeness as much as dis-
tancing» and noted its destructive results. This formula feeds
the illusions of some factions of the nationalist opposition,
while providing others with justifications for going back on
many positions. It leads the most conscious masses to lose
confidence in the leadership and struggle against the
imperialist agreements and plans, especially abrogating Camp
David.
The following is one example of the disasterous effects of
the imagination of some.elements of the opposition, who unwit-
32
tingly slipped into the kingdom of illusions, thus adopting and
propagandizing the claims of the authority. Ihrahim Nafe wrote
praising «the participation of Egypt in protecting the forces of
Arafat during their trip to North Yemen». One of the opposition
papers picked this up and inflated it beyond all limits, writing
that President Mubarak «ordered the Egyptian Armed Forces,
Air Force and Navy to protect the Greek ships carrying Arafat
and the Palestinian fighters, since they came close to Egyptian
territorial waters...». This was not confined to distortion of the
news. The tragedy lies in the fact that the writer concluded,
«This is the first time since the October War of 1973, that the
Armed Forces of Egypt are assigned a task which places them
in possible confrontation with the major enemy of Egypt and
the Arabs, i.e., the Israeli Defense Forces who threatened
Arafat and his fighters.» ! Moreover, he continues the talk about
«the beginning of Arab unity with a correct national strategy».!!
Similar expressions appeared in a commentary in another
issue of the same paper, while the other articles on the same
subject differed. This «dischord» appears to reflect the view of
certain individuals or a group.
Based on mutual criticism between allies, we cannot
remain silent towards such reckless explanations. We must be
vigilant about the confusion that is created in public opinion by
such illusions. President Mubarak himself does not claim these
«heroic actions». He emphasizes that he «obtained Israeli
guarantees for safe passage for Mr. Arafat and his men». This
means that he obtained a «permit» and gave the green light
after consultations with Tel Aviv. What a difference there is bet-
ween reality and this tragic, adventurous imagination!
In Egypt and on the Arab level, various «theories» have
been advanced with the purpose of making the regime or some
of its components look better. These «theories» are spread
under the influence of partial reforms and changes that do not
touch the essence of things, with the hope that the regime will
respond favorably to the flexibility of the factions (advancing
the «theorles») by «getting close» to them. Some of these
«theories» are:
-The «theory» of inheritance that considers the regime's pre-
sent subordination as a «wrapped package» that unexpec-
tedly fell‘on the shoulders of the new rulers. An honest, objec-
tive examination of the role of the regime’s components during
‘the Sadat era squarely refutes this «theory». President
Mubarak himself does not deny that he was a «full partner»,
convinced of the essence of the policy. The changes in the
methods of rule and the forms of exercising state authority is a
different question that has its own reasons, which are beyond
the scope of this article.
-The «theory» of changes, which are viewed as the transi-
tion to a position qualitatively different from the existing subor-
dination. This too is denied by President Mubarak in all his
statements. We witness not only a continuation of essentially
the same situation, but also additions to the policy of Sadat, not
pulling away from it. The set of developments that followed the
killing of Sadat emphasizes this. All that was essential to - هو جزء من
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