Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 33)
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- عنوان
- Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 33)
- المحتوى
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Sadatism has been adhered to: support of the Reagan plan,
the Israeli-Lebanese agreement, US military bases and joint
maneuvers with the Rapid Deployment Force and NATO; spe-
cial relations with the US, supporting its aggressive policy, or
remaining silent as in the case of Lebanon and Grenada;
increasing dependence on US aid, and hostility towards the.
Soviet Union and the socialist camp; forming anew reactionary
axis with Jordan and Iraq, after their role in implementing the
US plans emerged in this period; broad alliance with Arab reac-
tion with increased opportunities for developing this alliance
and making it official through the «Palestinian envoy», who
took the initiative to break the blockade and official boycott;
transforming Sudan into an «Egyptian protectorate» and mak-
ing official the sending of mercenaries from the Egyptian
Armed Forces to support reactionary regimes.
-There is a theory which talks about the «independent Pales-
tinian decision». This is a legitimate right which all progressive
nationalists support. Yet this does not lessen the responsibility
of those parties that work to impair this independence. Here a
question arises: By what logic can we conceive of the separa-
tion from the anti-imperialist front in the Arab East, which is
headed by the tripartite alliance of the Palestinian-Lebanese
national liberation movements with Syria? By what logic can
we conceive of the transition to meeting with Camp David
Egypt and , via Jordan, having a diplomatic dialogue with
America? By what logic will such a relationship protect the
independence of the Palestinian decision?
-There is the argument of «saving what can be saved as
opposed to the Israeli bulldozers’ daily ravaging of the Palesti-
nian territories in the West Bank and Gaza», and the call for a
rapid solution before Israel implements its decision to Judaize
the West Bank and Gaza after the US elections. Without unde-
restimating the danger of the land being swallowed, we must
be alert to the deliberate exaggeration of these dangers. In
spite of the immense efforts to consolidate the settlements, the
number of settlers has not exceeded 30,000. All signs indicate
that the Israelis aim to increase this number to 100,000 by the
end of 1985, but this is difficult to implement. This difficulty
increases with the mounting internal economic and political
crisis and the long-term budget deficit that leads to cuts in the
settlement budget. Moreover, it leads to emigration from Israel.
In the beginning of this January, the Deputy Minister of Immig-
ration anticipated an increase of emigration this year to 50,000
Israelis - triple the 1984 figure.
Undoubtedly, there are changes in the Arab and interna-
tional arena that require modifications in tactics, methods and
forms of activities, but not in the basic strategy of the Arab liber-
ation movement or its components, or a renunciation of its
modest objectives. A hard defeat was inflicted on the Palesti-
nian resistance in Lebanon on the military level; then there was
the tragic antagonism that reached the point of combat among
the factions of the Palestinian national movement, and the
crisis of its leadership. Yet, on the other hand, we find that the
counterrevolutionary camp also suffers from difficulties, con-
tradictions and defeats that are certainly not less and perhaps
more than those in the camp of the revolution.
Soon after the victories of the Israeli war machine, points
of weakness were revealed. The objectives it achieved were at
a high price, while Israeli inability to resist guerilla warfare that
has a popular depth was confirmed. Added to their failure to
conquer Beirut, the Israelis are now exposed to daily attrition
which inflicts greater losses than ever before. This has
reflected on the internal economic and moral structure, and
created a strong opposition to the expansionist policy. Israel is
no longer feared as the «strong arm» after it sank in the quag-
mire. It is still licking wounds that bleed profusely due to the
heroic actions of the popular resistance that became real
guerilla warfare. Thus, Tel Aviv’s main concern has become
how to escape from the Lebanese trap.
The NATO armada, led by the US fleet, was powerless to
stop hundreds of Marines and Multinational Forces from being
swallowed. They are having a profoundly new experience con-
fronting small people, light weapons and the humble militias of
parties and sects - «human bombs». The New Jersey’s
canons, the most modern aircraft and the most destructive roc-
kets and bombs, the genocidal war waged against unarmed
people, are all to no avail. All this elicited a response inside the
western societies, creating the beginning of a «Lebanon com-
plex» even before the effects of the «Vietnam complex» are
dispelled.
Volunteering a solution to the enemy crisis
It is erroneous to underestimate the Egyptian bourgeoisie,
especially after it has overcome its period of worry, wherein it
liquidated the system of national state capitalism. Moreover, it
succeeded in deepening the capitalist relations in the present
subordinate system. It succeeded in confronting the growing
opposition, popular anger, and the pressure exerted by fac-
tions that were hurt by capitalism... While searching for
methods to secure capitalist relations in the face of these
requirements and pressures, the role of the most intelligent
sectors and elements of the establishment emerged; they
made modifications in the form and methods of their practices,
without any essential changes.
The above-mentioned considerations, i.e. the dilemma of
US policy and the Israeli crisis, added to the limitations of the
«Saudi bag» (the idea that Riyad could lead Arab reaction),
helped the Egyptian bourgeoisie to realize its «golden oppor-
tunity» to become the political agent of imperialism in the area,
playing the leading role in coordinating and directing the
moves of Arab reaction, close to the reliable Israeli agent as
the military strike force, all on the basis of strategic consensus.
In this particular condition, any reconsideration of the sub-
ordinate Egyptian regime becomes a policy with grave dan-
gers, through which imperialism, Israel and Arab reaction can
find a way out of their dilemma and lighten the weight of their
crises. ®@
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- Democratic Palestine : 3
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