Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 42)

غرض

عنوان
Democratic Palestine : 3 (ص 42)
المحتوى
Delegation of the National Salvation Front
ruling Maronite bourgeoisie in line with
his own class interests. However, the
fascists’ refusal to give meaningful con-
cessions and, on the other hand, the
radicalization of the masses in his West
Beirut constituency, prevented him from
striking a course contradictory to.
Jumblatt and Beri at the conference.
In contrast, the class interests of
Franjieh’s particular constituency in the
North of Lebanon are well served by the
present confessional imbalance.
Though opposing the Lebanese Front
onits alliance with ‘Israel’ rather than the
Arab world, Franjieh reverted to the old
school when the question became one
of secular-democratic reform.
Though the masses’ radicalization
had an effect on the alignments at the
conference, the nationalist forces were
unable to impose the internal reform for
which the people have been fighting.
This is not surprising in view of the situa-
tion surrounding Lebanon. Behind the
intransigence of the Lebanese Front
looms the red line drawn by the Zionists.
Uri Lubrani, Israeli coordinator of affairs
in Lebanon, was present in the city of
Lausanne. He drew more than one
Lebanese leader aside to make threats,
42
most notably that Israel would disrupt
the new ceasefire if mew security
arrangements were not negotiated with
‘Israel’. A week before the conference
convened, the Zionists’ air raid on Aley
and Bhamdoun had shown their inten-
tion to continue violent intervention
beyond the occupation lines. The bomb-
ing of the mountains came the day after
fifteen Israeli soldiers were injured in a
series of attacks in South Lebanon, and
was thus billed as retaliation. It is nota-
ble, however, that the attack was staged
the same day that the Lebanese parlia-
ment convened for the purpose of offi-
cially abrogating the treaty.
Seen in this perspective, a clear les-
son can be drawn from the results at
Lausanne: The demands of Lebanon’s
majority will only be fulfilled by continu-
ing to combine confrontation of the fas-
cist regime and forces with persistent
armed struggle against the Zionist
occupiers. In this respect, the masses of
the South are leading the way with their
ongoing uprisings. This is in stark con-
trast to the old school politicians who
predominated at the Lausanne confer-
ence, and again showed their incapacity
to solve the Lebanese crisis. @
There are differences in the fascist
ranks between the wing most closely
linked to the Israelis, and those who
emphasize their independence as
«Lebanese nationalists». As is normal
for any force suffering a setback, these
differences escalated in the wake of the
nationalist advances. A split, however, is
not conceivable. If there has been such
a tendency, it was precluded by the
recent regrouping which was most likely
orchestrated by the top fascist leader-
ship. The Lebanese Forces have been
reorganized and acquired a political pro-
file, while fascists behind the occupation
lines enlisted in what was formerly Saad
Haddad’s militias.
‘Politicization’ of the
Lebanese Forces
The reorganization of the Lebanese
Forces started at the turn of the year. All
commanders submitted their resigna-
tions to Fadi Frem, to make way for new
appointments to strengthen the militias
after their rout from the mountains, and
to prepare for the army’s planned
assault on West Beirut. Besides con-
solidating Frem’s leadership, the new
appointments created a political center
headed by Antoine Bridli. Elie Hobeika,
who led the Phalangists in the Sabra-
Shatila massacre, remained as security
chief. Greater command authority was
assigned to Samir Geagea, who is also
notorious for massacres, including the
1977 murder in Ehden of 30 Christians,
family and supporters of Suleiman Fran-
jieh. Geagea’s first responsibility was
previously to the Phalangists; now he is
seconded to the Lebanese Forces.
This reorganization, especially the
creation of a political center, served the
fascists well in the wake of the
nationalists’ February victory. The
Phalangist hierarchy enacted a new ‘di-
vision of labour’: The Lebanese Forces
continue to propagate the traditional line
هو جزء من
Democratic Palestine : 3
تاريخ
مايو ١٩٨٤
المنشئ
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين

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