Democratic Palestine : 6 (ص 16)
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- Democratic Palestine : 6 (ص 16)
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Will there be Security?
In early July the line dividing fascist-
controlled East Beirut from nationalist
West Beirut was ostensibly erased. The
Lebanese government implemented the
first phase of its security plan, deploying
army units on both sides. This had its
positive consequences: The _ airport
reopened, and residents of West Beirut
have since been spared the murderous
bombardments from the fascist side.
There were also drawbacks: West Beirut
was once again laid open to the fascists’
favorite ‘peacetime’ device - the car
bomb. A serious explosion occured on
August 19th, in a busy street of Basta, a
working class neighborhood not far from
the former dividing line; three were killed
and 25 wounded. Most basically the
causes of the conflict and the grievances
of the people remained untouched:
Political reform is still being delayed;
most poignantly thousands of missing
persons remain unaccounted for, and
their relatives continue to demonstrate
for their return.
Efforts to extend the security plan to
other areas has further dramatized the
problems of national reconciliation with
fascist forces. The security plan adopted
by the Lebanese cabinet on August 8th,
calls for wiping out the confrontation
lines that exist in the Shouf mountains
where the nationalist forces, here chiefly
the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP),
face the Phalangists and army units.
The plan calls for deployment of the
Lebanese Army on the Beirut-Damas-
cus highway and on the coastal highway
north and southwards from Beirut. Obvi-
ously, the Zionist occupiers are also
opposed to the new plan. Deploying the
Lebanese Army on the coastal road
southwards would create a whole new
situation. The frequent Israeli incursions
over the occupation lines would no
longer be ushered in by the fascists.
Even drawing up the security plan
proved difficult. The original plan called
for army deployment in the Shouf, where
the nationalist fighters had displaced the
fascist forces in last year's September
mountain battle. It left aside the Phalan-
gist-controlled strips of the coastal high-
way. The two nationalist ministers Berri
and Jumblatt objected strenuously, and
renewed fighting between the PSP and
the Phalangists in the hills south of
16
Beirut forced revision of the pian. Since
August 8th when the cabinet adopted a
new version of the security plan for the
army to take over the fascist-controlled
stretches as well, events have con-
verged to expose the fascists’ determi-
nation to block the plan’s implementa-
tion. In mid-August fighting in the hills
south of Beirut escalated radically. A tap
aide of Syrian President Assad then vis-
ited Lebanon to confer with Amin
Gemayel and Prime Minister Karami on
ending this battle in the interests of
implementing the overall security plan.
At this very time, there ‘happened to be’
a new outburst of fighting in Tripoli. As
heavy battles raged in Tripoli, a helicop-
ter crashed in North Lebanon; all the
passengers were killed, including
Lebanese Army Chief of Staff, Major
General Nadim Hakim. It was first
reported that the helicopter crashed into
a mountain in the prevailing fog. How-
ever, eyewitnesses said that the
helicopter had exploded in mid-air
before falling into the mountain. This is
one of the many indications that the fog
did not cause the crash but served as a
cover for a special operation mounted by
the fascists. Hakim was not among the
many pro-fascist army officers. He was a
Druze who resigned his post in Sep-
tember 1983 when the army was set
against his people in the mountains. He
had reassumed his post in the context of
the attempt to rebuild the army under the
Karam! government and served in the
six-man military council designed to end
the army commander's monopoly on
power. At this time in particular, the
Phalangists have obvious motives for
such an act: They wish to weaken
nationalist controls on the army or to foil
the new security plan altogether. Walid
Jumblatt was clearly convinced of fas-
cist involvement through official chan-
nels, for he refused the presence of
Amin Gemayel and his condolence flow-
ers at Hakim’s funeral.
The most recent visit of Amin
Gemayel to President Assad of Syria
aimed at strengthening Syria's role in
implementing the security plan espe-
cially in the mountain area. Syria stands
firm on its support to help Lebanon
regain its security and stability. How-
ever, the Syrian efforts are obstructed by
the fascists, Phalangists and the
isolationist Lebanese forces. Obviously
these forces will not accept any plan that
does not guarantee them full control of
Lebanon. Yet, the Phalangists and
isolationist forces have not openly
rejected the security plan but rather
have been selective in their compliance.
They have ridiculed the idea of the army
deployment on the coastal highway.
They refuse to give up their lucrative
On the second anniversary of Bashir Gemayel's election as Lebanon's President, the Phalangist Party held
a ceremony featuring the recruitment of 1000 new members. While we seriously doubt this ttemendous
swelling of the party, this picture from the ceremony bears witness to the fascists’ ongoing aggressive
mobilization. - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 6
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- نوفمبر ١٩٨٤
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