Democratic Palestine : 9 (ص 24)
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- عنوان
- Democratic Palestine : 9 (ص 24)
- المحتوى
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Dialectical vision, as we understand it, means viewing the pro-
cess through the complexities, linkage and interaction of its
component stages. In this way, the characteristics of the first
stage do not get overlooked, but rather emphasized at a cer-
tain point in order to develop the common denominator for the
unity of the broadest forces that have an interest in
accomplishing the tasks of the stage. At the same time, the
strategic horizons for the evolution of the process do not get
overlooked; the working class continuously advances its posi-
tion within the alliance, on the ideological, practical and leader-
ship levels. This development will in turn help prepare the sub-
jective factor that is capable of moving the national revolution
to the stage of social revolution. At a certain point, such an
interrelation will create additional difficulties in the face of the
working class and its revolutionary party; the unity of the
national and progressive forces, established on the basis of
the national question, will be threatened. Then the internal
relations among the forces of the alliance must change, qual-
itatively and quantitatively, through gradually transforming the
tasks of the revolutionary process towards social liberation.
Such are the difficulties we face now in Lebanon.
Alliances: conflict within unity
We met in the framework of the National Salvation Front,
our party having contributed significantly to its initiation. This
front was based on acting to unconditionally remove the Israeli
forces from our country, abrogate the May 17th agreement,
and reject US hegemony and Phalangist rule. The enthusiasm
of some other participants for accomplishing these tasks was
not less than that of our party and other progressive parties.
There are many examples of this, such as the positions of
Prime Minister Karami and ex-President Suleiman Franjieh.
As a result of the Lebanese national uprising, Syria’s great
supportive role, the contribution of the vanguard forces of the
Palestinian revolution, the support of the Arab national libera-
tion forces and especially of the Soviet Union and other
socialist countries, we were able to inflict a humiliating defeat
on US imperialist policy, regionally and internationally, by forc-
ing the US troops to leave, abrogating the May 17th agreement
and opening the issue of internal reforms. Since then, we have
found ourselves in objective contradiction with some of our
allies, regarding the forthcoming political, economic and social
development in the country.
The important feature of this new contradiction, resulting
from the other aspect of the revolutionary process, is that it
occurs while the tasks of the first aspect are yet incomplete:
Israel is still occupying a part of Lebanon; the May 17th agree-
ment was only officially abrogated, while the spirit that pro-
duced it in the first place is still very much alive, since it is the
spirit of the Israelis’ plans and their agents from within; the
danger of US occupation was lessened greatly but not com-
pletely ruled out, as the conditions for its reimposition are still
with us; and the rule of the Phalangist Party was shaken but not
overthrown. At the same time, if the horizons of the other
aspects of the revolutionary process are opened, a contradic-
tion will necessarily appear among the participants in the (na-
tional) alliance. This contradiction is necessarily a class con-
tradiction since the alliance itself is based on the interests of
more than one social class in combatting foreign occupation
and domination. Regardless of the various forms of expres-
sion, whether or not it takes a sectarian form as in Lebanon,
this contradiction remains in essence a class one.
This makes the situation more complicated, imposing
more difficulties on our actions, not only vis-a-vis the enemy
24
camp, but also within the framework of national alliances, in
our striving to concentrate on the central task, while not ignor-
ing the horizons for developing the revolutionary process. We
cannot accept sacrificing the participation of essential forces
on the side of the national liberation struggle against the Israeli
occupation, US domination and the Phalangist rule. At the
same time, we cannot accept the lowest denominator of the
program of sectors of the bourgeoisie regarding these matters.
The broad front should not be at the expense of the democra-
tic, developmental, revolutionary program of the party of the
working class. On many points, this program meets the agree-
ment of sectors of the bourgeoisie, as well as the groups of the
Lebanese national movement and the progressive forces.
Democratic reform is necessary for Lebanon's
independence
That is why | said at the beginning that we face two kinds
of tasks and coordinating between them. So you see us con-
centrating on mobilizing all energies behind the central slogan
that is still all-pervasive: unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli
occupation forces from our land, preventing the return of US
domination and struggling to end its remains. At the same time,
to complete this kind of tasks, there remains the slogan of pre-
venting the hegemony of the Phalangist Party, which is a man-
ifestation of US-Israeli domination. We reaffirm the centrality of
this task. Likewise, there can be no reunification of Lebanon,
no guarantee for its independence and genuine sovereignty, or
for its existence at all, if our struggle against Israeli and US
domination and Phalangist rule is not accompanied by the
struggle for internal democratic reform. Democratic reform is
necessary to prevent the political, social and economic make-
up of Lebanon from continuing to be a breeding ground for ele-
ments of the Zionist design which aims at fragmenting Leba-
non on a sectarian basis. Therefore, we raise the slogans for
radical, non-sectarian, democratic reform as tasks of struggle
related on the one hand to accomplishing the tasks of the
national revolution, as far as national independence is con-
cerned. We raise them on the other hand as tasks related to
development towards revolutionary accomplishments in the
social field.
Within this framework, our party recognizes the central
tasks from their national as well as democratic change aspect.
We proceed according to this dual vision: We mobilize the
broadest forces to create a more favorable balance of forces
between the progressive and national forces as a whole on the
one hand, and the main enemy, represented by Israel, US
imperialism and their direct, dependent agents on the other. At
the same time, we wage the long-range struggle to change the
balance of forces within the broad national alliance in favor of
the democratic, progressive, revolutionary forces, so as to
insure accomplishment of the first kind of tasks, and proceed
with accomplishing the second kind related to democratic
reform.
The coordination process involved is not easy; it does not
fall within the domain of habitual skill, diplomacy or flexibility,
even though it requires the utmost of these. Rather it hinges on
the balance of power, firm adherence to the essence with flex-
ibility concerning form, the sound political position of the work-
ing class party and its determination to consolidate its positions
among the active social forces, particularly among the working
class, the toiling sectors, revolutionary intellectuals and youth.
such a party, while fighting foreign occupation and domination.
refuses to submit its legitimate aspirations to the plans of the
bourgeoisie to rearrange its own interests, for example on the - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 9
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- يونيو ١٩٨٥
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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